From 1992-1995, Serbs from heavily militarized villages around Srebrenica had terrorized Srebrenica population and constantly attacked neighbouring Bosnian Muslim village. In just a few days of July 1995, Serbs committed genocide against the Bosniaks in a U.N. protected enclave of Srebrenica. The Srebrenica genocide resulted in a mass scale ethnic cleansing of 30,000 and a massacre of at least 8,372 Bosniaks. Radovan Karadzic (photo above) is the architect of this genocide.
The latest scandal with the international justice started when MIKE CORDER accurately reported for The Herald that “the judge preparing Radovan Karadzic’s genocide trial… was considering dropping some charges to shorten court proceedings that could take years.” His report in The Herald was, for some reason, not dated, but it appeared sometime between June 28 and July 2nd.
Then, the Congress of North American Bosniaks protested this decision with the Court and asked thousands of its members to contact the ICTY and express their concerns to both the Judges and the Prosecutor. The campaign prompted the Office of the Prosecutor to respond on July 8:
“At no point did Judge Bonomy invite the Prosecution to drop the ‘Srebrenica or Sarajevo counts’ as reported by the media. The Prosecution was told that they may need to start thinking about how to reduce the length of the trial and a number of possibilities were mentioned, including reducing the number of crime sites and not proceeding on certain counts.”
Then, on July 22nd, AFP reported that “Judges have ordered prosecutors in the upcoming trial of Bosnian Serb wartime leader Radovan Karadzic to try and reduce the charge sheet against him in a bid to speed things up.” The story continued:
[QUOTE, AFP] “Judges of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, or ICTY, pointed out the indictment covered 11 charges on crimes alleged to have been committed in 27 municipalities – already reduced from an initial 41.
The prosecution intended to call 500 witnesses, with 490 hours needed to examine them in the witness stand. But an order from the court published Thursday said if prosecutors couldn’t narrow the charge sheet down, the court would do the job for them.
The U.N. court was initially meant to finish all trials by 2008 and appeals by 2010. The court’s most recent estimates suggest its final trial, that of Karadzic, would only conclude in early 2012 while some appeals may run into 2013.
The U.N. Security Council recently prolonged the mandate of some ICTY appeal judges to Dec. 31, 2010.
Karadzic was arrested a year ago on charges of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. A trial date has yet to be set.
Key among the 11 counts against him is the 44-month siege of Sarajevo that left 10,000 people dead, and the July 1995 massacre of around 8,000 Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica. Bosnia’s inter-ethnic 1992-95 war cost an estimated 100,000 lives.” [ END QUOTE]
NOW TAKE ACTION: TELL U.N. JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS NOT TO DROP KEY CHARGES AGAINST RADOVAN KARADZIC. MAKE YOUR VOICES HEARD LOUD AND CLEAR: VISIT OUR CAMPAIGN PAGE! THANK YOU IN ADVANCE!
PHOTO: Nerma Jelačić, Spokesperson for Registry and Chambers.
RESPONSE from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Office of the Prosecutor:
Asked about the recent reports in the media that Judge Bonomy invited Prosecution during the last Status Conference in the Karadžić to think about dropping either Srebrenica or Sarajevo charge of the indictment, Nerma Jelačić responded that at no point did Judge Bonomy invite the Prosecution to drop the ‘Srebrenica or Sarajevo counts’ as reported by the media. The Prosecution was told that they may need to start thinking about how to reduce the length of the trial and a number of possibilities were mentioned, including reducing the number of crime sites and not proceeding on certain counts. These were simply hypothetical examples to illustrate the application of the Rules. The Tribunal’s rules stipulate that the Trial Chambers can invite the Prosecutor to reduce the number of counts or crime scenes charged in the indictment in the interest of a fair and expeditious trial and issue any appropriate orders.
PHOTO of Radovan Karadzic, the architect of genocide in Srebrenica. In several days of July 1995, the Srebrenica genocide resulted in a mass scale ethnic cleansing of 30000 and a massacre of at least 8372 Bosniaks.
According to The Herald: “The judge preparing Radovan Karadzic’s genocide trial… was considering dropping some charges to shorten court proceedings that could take years.”
Scottish judge Iain Bonomy “indicated prosecutors might have to drop one of two key parts of the 11-count indictment: either the deadly siege of Sarajevo or the July 1995 killing of 8000 Muslims in the UN safe haven of Srebrenica, Europe’s worst massacre since the Second World War.”
Tell the U.N. Judges and Prosecutors not to drop any key charges against Radovan Karadzic. Ask them to find alternative solution to complete the trial. For example, Karadzic could stand trial in front of the International Judges presiding over the Court of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
THE BOTTOM LINE: KARADZIC NEEDS TO ANSWER GENOCIDE CHARGES. CONTACT THE ICTY TODAY:
International Criminal Tribunal for the FY
Att: Judge Iain Bonomy
Att: Office of the Prosecutor
P.O. Box 13888
2501 EW The Hague,
Tribunal Address: (For visits and general business)
Att: Judge Iain Bonomy
Att: Office of the Prosecutor
2517 JW The Hague, The Netherlands
Tel: +31 (0)70 512 8752, 5343, 5356,
Fax: +31 (0)70 512 5355
All Other ICTY Contacts:
NO “IMMUNITY DEAL”
DEF-09-0002.pdf (PDF/1.03 MB)
DEF-09-0003.pdf (PDF/1.43 MB)
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The State Department on June 25 announced it would make public documents pertaining to new accusations by Radovan Karadzic, the indicted Serbian war leader, that the U.S. government and specifically U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke had promised him immunity from prosecution for war crimes during the Bosnian war (1992-1995) if he would withdraw from public life.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in 1995 indicted Karadzic for war crimes, including charges that his forces killed at least 7,500 Bosnian Muslim men and boys from Srebrenica in 1995 as part of an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Bosniak and Bosnian Croat population. A year after his indictment, Karadzic stepped down as president of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and went into hiding. Serbian authorities arrested Karadzic in 2008 – nearly 13 years after being on the run.
Karadzic on May 25, 2009 filed a motion entitled “Holbrooke Agreement Motion” before the ICTY arguing that his indictment should be dismissed on the grounds that the U.S. government had offered him a “quid pro quo.” The State Department’s newly released documents show that the U.S. government repeatedly made clear that it expected Karadzic to be tried at The Hague, even following his agreement to retire from public life. Link to State Department Press Release.
Upon learning of the new documents, USIP vice president Daniel Serwer said “I am delighted to see these documents, which clarify the US Government’s position in 1996 and refute Karadzic’s “immunity” claims.”
U.S. Institute of Peace staff have worked in many ways to address the complex conflicts in the Balkans since the Dayton agreements were signed in late 1995. The Institute recently published three reports on the current situation in Bosnia as well as a USIP grant-supported volume entitled “Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies,” edited by Charles W. Ingrao, in which scholars from throughout the Balkans, Western Europe and the U.S. attempt to clarify controversial issues in recent Balkans history.
For more information, visit:
“HIDING IN PLAIN SIGHT”
Federal Television in Bosnia-Herzegovina (FTV) aired a shocking video on Wednesday evening (June 10th) in the programme 60 Minutes. The footage shows former Bosnian Serb Army Commander, Ratko Mladic, enjoying his life in plain sight in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Ratko Mladic, 67, has been on the run from the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for 14 years, when he was indicted for the Srebrenica genocide and other serious crimes against humanity.
As expected, Serbia’s minister in charge of co-operation with the UN tribunal – Rasim Ljajic – claimed the footage was old. “Not a single shot is less than eight years old,” he said. Ratko Mladic has never been seriously pursued by nationalist governments in Serbia and therefore, anything that the Serbian ultra-nationalist government says should be taken with a grain of salt.
The video was found and confiscated during search of the flat of Mladic’s wife Bosiljka on December 4 last year at the order of the Chamber for war crimes of the District court in Belgrade. During the search, Belgrade investigators also found Ratko Mladic diaries, some of which we republished on June 7th.
The footage shows Ratko Mladic receiving guests at his house in a Belgrade neighbourhood of Kosutnjak (location) where he introduces guests to BILJANA. “Biljana” is a wife of his son, Darko Mladic. She was Muslim, her previous name was AIDA, but she quietly changed her Muslim name into Serbian name BILJANA. She gave birth on March 2, 2006 to a boy, Mladic’s grandchild. The child has been named after St. Stefan. They apparently have one more daughter, Anastazija, who was born in 2001. It is unclear which baby he was holding on his lap.
Some parts of this amateur video show Ratko Mladic attending a wedding party of one his bodyguards in a restaurant Kula near Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, in September 2000. The restaurant is situated in the so called “East Sarajevo”, rural part of Sarajevo held by Bosnian Serbs, which is close to the main military NATO headquarters located in the Federal part of Sarajevo. The restaurant is also near Ratko Mladic’s village of birth – Božinovići. The village is located near the Jahorina mountain, southeast of Sarajevo.
Another part of this video shows Mladic as slowly walking on a snow-covered mountain path with a cane, looking significantly older than in other footage. According to some reports, he had a “stroke” in 2006 and he hardly recovered from it. Since then, he started walking with a cane. Therefore, it looks like this part of the footage is indeed from 2006 or even 2008 as claimed by FTV.
Then, the video also shows Ratko Mladic sitting in peaceful wooded surroundings of what the television said were Serbian Army military barracks. Serbian government said that “the last time Mladic was in military premises was at the Krcmari army barracks near [the eastern Serbian town of] Valjevo on June 1, 2002.” However, the footage shows significantly older Ratko Mladic holding onto his cane while sitting with his wife in a compound surrounded by trees. He jokingly complains there is not enough coffee on the table.
The compound looks a like guarded military base. The entrance sign to the compound reads, “Barutana. Izgradjena 1807 god. Restaurirana 1976 god.” (Gun Powder Factory. Built in 1807. Restored in 1976.), which is part of Belgrade Castle (Beogradska Tvrdjava) built by Ottomans.
The oldest portion of this video shows Ratko Mladic attending a funeral of his daughter, Ana, who committed a suicide in 1994. You may recall that in 1994, Mladic was actively murdering Bosniak civilians – women, children, men, and elderly – in Sarajevo and other cities in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He felt no emotion for mass murders of Bosniaks, but he sobs uncontrollably in front of his daughter’s coffin. A perfect psychopath, indeed.
A spokeswoman for the prosecutor’s office at the ICTY said that they were examining the footage and would comment later. In the meantime, former Ratko Mladic bodyguard, Branislav Puhalo, told a Belgrade court Tuesday that Mladic was guarded by about 50 heavily armed men who were staying at an army barracks in Belgrade. He said the protection unit was set up in 1997 under orders from former President Slobodan Milosevic.
“It was all legal,” Puhalo said at the trial of 10 people charged with helping Mladic evade justice. “We were tasked with protecting Mladic from criminals and bounty hunters.” Puhalo said that Mladic’s protection unit was disbanded in March 2002.
So we have 10 people standing trial for helping Ratko Mladic evade justice, but what about Radovan Karadzic’s supporters? We wonder, why the same Belgrade Court failed to charge family members of Radovan Karadzic for helping him evade justice? Remember that Ratko Mladic’s boss, Radovan Karadzic, freely traveled and regularly stayed in touch with his family, especially his wife Ljiljana Zelen-Karadzic – all with the help of Dragan Karadzic, son of Radovan’s brother Luka Karadzic. None of these people have ever been charged with obstruction of justice.
PHOTO: Relative of the Omarska concentration camp victims near the Western Bosnian town of Prijedor in Bosnia-Herzegovina holds photos of excavated bodies of her relatives on 06 August, 2006. You can view more concentration camp photos from Bosnian Genocide at this link.
By Tovah Lazaroff, JPost Correspondent in Geneva
Originally published: Apr 26, 2009.
JERUSALEM POST – As an inmate in the Omarska concentration camp in Bosnia, in 1992, Nusreta Sivac began her days by counting the corpses of those who had been killed overnight.
“We would see them on the grass in front of the ‘white house,’ which was a little building where the worst torture was committed,” she told the audience who had gathered on Friday to hear her and other victims of racism, including some from Rwanda. They spoke on the sidelines of the United Nations anti-racism conference that met in Geneva last week.
They sat on a small stage, set off from one of the main corridors in the UN’s European headquarters, at an event titled “Voices: Everyone affected by racism has a story that should be heard.”
Speaking with the help of a translator, Sivac explained how in April 1992 Serbs took over her native city of Prijedor, in the northwest part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and went about “ethnically cleansing” the area of Muslims (Bosniaks) and Catholics (Croats).
First, “freedom of movement was strictly limited. Muslims and Croats had to wear white bands around their arms and to have white flags on the windows of their apartments,” she said.
Sivac was 40 and a judge in the municipal court. Within a few days of the takeover, she was banned from her job.
“I thought that was the worst thing that could ever happen to me, and later I realized that was only the introduction to the worst thing that could ever happen to a human being,” she said.
In June, she was asked to come to the police station, where she was forced onto a bus and driven away by members of the Serb military forces.
“I did not know in what direction I was taken. Only when we arrived I understood that I was taken to the Omarska concentration camp,” she said.
It was an unusual move because mostly it was men who were sent there, while women and children were typically driven to the border with the Bosnian-controlled area, where they sought protection, Sivac said.
She was one of 36 women among 3,500 men detained at the camp.
The women were given rooms above a restaurant. During the day they were forced to serve food or clean while the rooms that they slept in were used to torture prisoners.
“We would hear them screaming every day… When we would come up to the rooms to sleep, we first had to clean because blood was everywhere,” she said.
Every day, people were tortured to death and massacred. Drunken guards jumped on the bodies and sang Serb nationalist songs, she said.
Fathers would see their sons tortured and killed and sons would watch their fathers being murdered, she said.
“Even some of the detained women saw their husbands tortured, and no one was ever allowed to help anyone. They would have risked their lives,” she said.
“Once I saw my cousin running on the grass area covered by the massacred bodies and he was desperately looking for his son. Then I saw them killing him.”
Another time, she saw a Serb soldier take a knife and make a cross on a woman’s face.
Male prisoners were only given one meal a day, a small piece of bread, bean soup and coleslaw, she said.
“When detainees would go to eat, they had to pass a line of Serb guards that would beat them,” she said.
If prisoners did not finish the meal within minutes, they risked being beaten, sometimes to death, Sivac said.
Many people stopped going to meals to avoid the beatings.
For the women, nighttime was the worst, she said.
“The guards would come to the rooms and take us somewhere in the camp and rape us. That happened on a regular basis. We were not allowed to say anything to anyone. I was regularly raped and beaten,” said Sivac.
She was the only judge to survive the camp. All the male Muslim and Croat judges were killed. But Sivac survived until her release in August 1992, right before Western journalists and the Red Cross were brought in to see the camp, which was closed later that month.
Today, she has returned to live in Prijedor, which is now part of the Republic of Srpska. The city is now 99 percent ethnic Serb. Most of the Muslims live in the Federation of Bosnia, where there are some 500,000 Muslim refugees.
No one in the Republic of Srpska talks about what happened in 1992.
“I am surrounded by a society that does not recognize what happened, which I find very difficult,” Sivac said.
In Prijedor, “I see some of the perpetrators and some of those who came already out from The Hague,” she said.
Prejudice still runs so deep in Prijedor that she cannot work there. Instead she travels more than an hour to the Federation of Bosnia to work.
“I have been called to witness in The Hague and I have seen the man [Zeljko Mejakic] that was regularly raping and beating me and other women,” Sivac said.
“He was the worst to the women in the camp. I know that many of the women did not talk about their experiences, because it is extremely difficult to think and to talk about it, even for me today, but I have to be strong and let my voice be heard.”
In 1996, an American documentary, Calling the Ghosts, was made about her story.
Still, she told the audience in Geneva on Friday, very little attention is paid to what happened in Bosnia.
“Unfortunately, the concentration camps in Bosnia is something very rarely spoken about, which is dangerous. We should not close our eyes to what happened. We should condemn it and never allow it to happen again,” she said.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay, who joined the panel, said, “This is why this conference matters. It is because of your experiences.”
Racism, she said, “is a global human tragedy blighting lives and destroying the future of men, women and children in every corner of the world. We must always insure that the voices of the victims are heard and that they resonate.”
PHOTO: Serge Brammertz, Chief United Nations’ Prosecutor of the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
“The same legal team which led the prosecution in the [Momcilo] Krajisnik case is in charge of prosecuting [Radovan] Karadzic, too, and unless they change their strategy, they could repeat the same mistakes.”
KRAJISNIK APPEAL MAY PRESENT PROBLEMS FOR KARADZIC PROSECUTORS
Appeals verdict in Momcilo Krajisnik case suggests prosecution could have trouble proving charges against former Bosnian Serb president.
By Edina Becirevic in Sarajevo
Last week’s appeals judgement against Momcilo Krajisnik surprised many by reducing the sentence awarded and clouding the trail of responsibility for atrocities committed during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Hercegovina.
On March 17, appeals judges at the Hague tribunal confirmed the conviction of former president of the Bosnian Serb assembly for the persecution of Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats in 32 Bosnian municipalities through acts of deportation and forcible transfer of the non-Serb population out of Bosnia.
However, they reduced his prison sentence by seven years, after reversing convictions against him for murder, extermination and persecutions (through crimes other than deportation and forcible transfer).
The reasoning of the final verdict yet again highlights key weaknesses of the system and practice of the Hague tribunal.
It could also have implications for the genocide case of the highest-profile indictee currently in custody – former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic.
In the trial chamber judgement of September 27, 2006, Krajisnik was sentenced to 27 years’ imprisonment after judges convicted him of killing some 3,000 non-Serbs and forcibly removing another 100,000 non-Serbs from large swathes of Bosnia in 1991 and 1992.
Trial judges acquitted him of genocide, as while they found evidence that this crime had been committed, they did not establish that Krajisnik had shown the criminal intent necessary to secure a conviction. (Page 305 of the first-instance judgment is available at: www.icty.org/x/cases/krajisnik/tjug/en/kra-jud060927e.pdf)
By not appealing the genocide acquittal, prosecutors showed they accepted their own failure to prove that Krajisnik intended to commit genocide in Bosnia.
The appeals chamber ruling highlights another shortcoming of the prosecution case against Krajisnik – the attempt to establish the accused’s responsibility for crimes through use of the “joint criminal enterprise” doctrine.
This is legal doctrine under which members of a group are considered to be part of a conspiracy and are held responsible for each other’s criminal acts.
One problem with its use in the Krajisnik case seems to be that it wasn’t clearly established during the trial at what point the members of the joint criminal enterprise intended to commit certain crimes.
Appeals judges confirmed the trial chamber verdict that the accused “shared the intent” to commit deportation, forcible transfer and persecution “from the beginning of the joint criminal enterprise”.
Yet they found that trial judges did not clearly set out in their judgement at what point the Bosnian Serb leaders conspired to commit murder, extermination and persecution (excluding acts of deportation and forcible transfer) and so convictions against Krajisnik on these charges were overturned.
“..The Appeals Chamber is not able to conclude with the necessary preciseness how and at which point in time the common objective of the joint criminal enterprise included the expanded crimes [of murder, extermination and persecution] and, consequently, on what basis the Trial Chamber imputed those expanded crimes to Krajisnik,” stated the appeals judgement.
Another problem seems to stem from the fact that prosecutors failed to name all members of the joint criminal enterprise in the indictment.
Appeals judges accepted the argument submitted by the defence that trial judges had not clearly established who prosecutors were referring to when they mentioned lower-level participants, including paramilitaries and politicians.
In Krajisnik’s indictment, prosecutors identified a diverse group of people as taking part in the same joint criminal enterprise as the accused.
The list included Bosnian Serbian politicians Biljana Plavsic, Radovan Karadzic, Radoslav Brdjanin and Nikola Koljevic; Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic, Serbian paramilitary leader Zeljko Raznjatovic (aka “Arkan”); as well as Bosnian Serb generals Ratko Mladic and Momir Talic.
While other members are not individually named, the indictment states that “numerous individuals participated”.
The indictment vaguely alludes to these individuals – implicating members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, the Serbian Democratic Party, SDS, leadership, the Yugoslav army, the Bosnian Serb army, police and territorial defence, the Serbian and Bosnian Serb paramilitary forces and volunteer units, and military and political figures from the former Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro.
But by not specifying clearly who all the individual members of the joint criminal enterprise were, prosecutors made it harder to prove that Krajisnik was responsible for their crimes.
A further flaw with prosecution’s attempts to prove Krajisnik’s participation in a joint criminal enterprise, as well as his responsibility for genocide, was the limited time covered by his indictment, which spans only the period from July 1, 1991, to December 30, 1992.
It is hard to follow the logic of the prosecution for restricting the indictment to these 18 months, as he remained president of the Bosnian Serb assembly for the entire period of the 1992-95 war.
He was therefore a key member of the Bosnian Serb leadership at the time of the Srebrenica massacre of July 1995, which both the Hague tribunal and the International Court of Justice, ICJ, have found to have been genocide.
By limiting their case to this narrow window, prosecutors made it harder to demonstrate the extent of the criminal plan in which Krajisnik took part.
This can be illustrated further by comparing the case to that of Milosevic.
Prosecutors in the Milosevic case attempted to prove that the accused participated in a joint criminal enterprise and possessed genocidal intent by demonstrating his involvement in an alleged plan drawn up at the Bosnian Serb assembly on May 12, 1992.
They argued that the so-called Six Strategic Objectives of the Serbian People set out the Bosnian Serb leadership’s plan to separate Serbs from Bosnia’s Bosniak and Croat communities by carving up the country.
According to the prosecution, they defined the leaders’ military objectives in the war – to create an ethnically pure Republika Srpska which would later become part of a Greater Serbia – and were clearly pursued until the conflict ended.
When presenting their case, the prosecutors of Milosevic clearly linked the six strategic goals to crimes committed on the ground throughout the war, with an indictment covering a period from August 1, 1991, to “at least” December 31, 1995.
They argued that the strategic goals were a clear manifestation “that a plan existed to remove non-Serbs from power in all targeted areas and to essentially remove non-Serbs physically from targeted parts of Bosnia, regardless of whether they formed the ethnic majority or not”.
A key argument in their case was that this document could be seen as a vehicle “employed by the Bosnian Serb leadership to implement a genocidal plan”.
Although Milosevic died while in detention in March 2006, before a judgement was passed in his trial, judges found following the presentation of the prosecution case that there was enough evidence on all charges in the indictment to proceed with the case.
Perhaps if prosecutors had charged Krajisnik for crimes committed throughout the entire war – and related his actions to the pursuit of these strategic goals – they would have managed to prove his responsibility for more atrocities, including genocide.
The same legal team which led the prosecution in the Krajisnik case is in charge of prosecuting Karadzic, too, and unless they change their strategy, they could repeat the same mistakes.
The amended Karadzic indictment is an improvement on the last version, updated in April 2000, in which he was not accused of taking part in a joint criminal enterprise at all.
Introducing the joint criminal enterprise doctrine should give prosecutors the opportunity to demonstrate the full extent of the Bosnian Serb leadership’s role in the war, and perhaps prove a link to Belgrade, thus giving a clearer picture of what went on in the conflict.
Furthermore, the time-frame of the Karadzic indictment – which covers the entire 1992-95 period – will allow prosecutors to draw on more evidence to support charges in the indictment.
But a glance at the Karadzic indictment would suggest that prosecutors could learn more from their experience of prosecuting Krajisnik.
When setting out the joint criminal enterprise in the Karadzic indictment, they have failed to include certain key figures, who acted in concert with the Bosnian Serb leadership during the war.
In Karadzic’s indictment, the joint criminal enterprise is defined with the same vagueness that ultimately hamstrung the prosecution in the Krajisnik case.
It states that members of the joint criminal enterprise included, “members of the Bosnian Serb leadership; members of SDS and Bosnian Serb government bodies at the republic, regional, municipal, and local levels, including Crisis Staffs, War Presidencies, and War Commissions”.
To overcome this vagueness, during the presentation of their case, prosecutors must attempt to show a link between Karadzic and the particular individuals who implemented the criminal plan he is accused of orchestrating.
It is very likely that Karadzic’s defence will be based on the notion that Milosevic was responsible for everything and the accused was only a cog in the machine.
Prosecutors must therefore use the evidence of the six strategic goals adopted by the Bosnian Serb parliament at the start of the war to demonstrate evidence of both a joint criminal enterprise and of genocidal intent.
Edina Becirevic is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Criminal Justice Science, University of Sarajevo. Her OP/ED comment was published by IWPR (Institute for War & Peace Reporting) on March 27, 2009.